Here’s my two cents. Mill
argued that it’s best to
let people advocate what
they please, even falsehoods,
because sooner or later
we’ll learn that the
falsehood is false–which
is worth the trouble. Human
knowledge marches on.
That’s a weak argument, I think.
Suppose I write a book maintaining
that Jews cut the throats of
Gentile children to use their
blood in the Passover matzah.
This finds widespread approval,
which leads to pograms in which
thousands are killed. Finally
we learn that Jews don’t do
that. Was it worth the trouble?
Well, no. We learn at a terrible
price that something idiotic is false
that nobody would have
ever even thought of if I
hadn’t advocated it.
Similarly the Millian idea
that once governments have the
power to restrict what sane
adults do for the sake of their
safety or well being, sooner
or later we will lose all
our freedom–which is certainly
attractive–seems too
broad. It would mean that
there shouldn’t be seat belt
laws, that it should be
legal to fry your mind on
LSD, to take heroin, etc.
There are, of course, people
who think that such laws
are indeed a mistake; still most of
us don’t view seatbelt laws
as bad or figure that our
freedoms are at risk because
of them.
The idea that without the
freedom of speech we would live
in a repressive place is also
attractive–still the freedom
of speech has been compromised
in Germany, where it’s illegal
to deny the Holocaust happened,
but Germany isn’t a repressive
place to live. Indeed, I believe
more opinions are expressed there
more freely than in the USA.
The argument that we’ve got to
let a hundred zanies deny the
Holocaust so that
one Galileo can express the truth
has a lot of force, I think.
To prohibit one is to prohibit
all. But only certain views are
prohibited in Germany, not all.
Galileo would have no trouble
in Germany, and it’s unlikely
that this is the beginning of
a general curtailment
of free speech there.
It’s risky, certainly,
to prohibit particular speech–
it sets a dangerous precedent–
but it doesn’t necessarily
lead to large scale
prohibition. It’s also risky sometimes
not to prohibit some speech–surely
Germany is trying to stop the rise
of Neo-Nazism, and letting a hundred
people deny the Holocaust and
say whatever about the Jews
could lead to some very bad things.
Once we’re weighing risks against
one another, it isn’t so clear
that prohibiting the expression
of certain views will always
be the more risky option. There
are other social values that
deserve protection–like protecting
the lives of minorities.
So if there is a fundamental
moral basis for a right to
express your views, it must
flow from another source,
I think. And the only place
I can find that is in the Kantian
idea (the Enlightenment idea) that
human beings have a special worth
on account of our being autonomous
agents, with minds of our own,
who have the ability to decide
for themselves what they want
and how they will think.
That
special worth is called dignity,
and the measure of a society
is that it will respect dignity
even when it isn’t useful to
society to do it, even when
we would be better off if
someone’s dignity wasn’t
respected.
Not to
let people say what
they think, is innapropriate
for the same reason
that it’s innapropriate
to enslave people–
it’s wrong to treat creatures
with minds of their own
that way.
One thing that Mill said that
I really like is that the
principal constraint on
our freedom doesn’t flow
from law but from social
expectations and norms.
At the moment there
isn’t much free speech
in the USA, not because
it’s illegal, but
because it’s considered
unpatriotic.
A society
with constitutional
guarantees may be more
repressive of freedoms
than one without them.
That’s what I think, anyway,
about the important question
you raised. Thanks,
[ This Message was edited by: jim stone on 2002-10-07 03:11 ]